By Anthony L. Hall:

In a deft and enlightened move, Martelly declared from the outset of his presidency that he wanted to make peace -- not just with Aristide but with every other former Haitian leader as well. To this end he made quite a public show today of meeting with both Aristide and Baby Doc. 

Implicit in this of course is that he will discourage any attempt to prosecute Baby Doc, and that Aristide will now be loath to challenge the legitimacy of his presidency. Beyond this, Martelly’s move is deft and enlightened because it lays the foundation for the kind of political certainty that is sine qua non for the foreign direct investments Haiti will need to rebuild.

I made the observations above in an October 12, 2011, commentary, “New Haitian president seeks reconciliation”. Now comes this: 

Haiti’s judicial authorities have dealt yet another blow to the victims of former leader Jean-Claude Duvalier, Amnesty International said this week after the criminal case against the former ‘president-for-life’ for grave human rights violations was dropped. 

An investigating judge in Port-au-Prince on Monday announced that Jean-Claude ‘Baby Doc’ Duvalier will not stand trial for alleged crimes against humanity—including torture, disappearances and extrajudicial executions…. (amnesty.org, January 31, 2012) 

But let me hasten to clarify that nothing could be further from my mind than gloating here about my prescience; especially since nobody was initially more anxious to see Duvalier prosecuted than I. It’s just that, given the way President Martelly and the Haitian judiciary are being pilloried in the press, I think it’s important to put this decision to spare the country a war-crimes trial into context. 

I fully appreciate the criticism that Haiti is opting for political expediency at the expense of criminal justice. But Martelly can point to similar criticisms that were leveled at South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which granted outright amnesty to many Whites who had the blood of the brutal Apartheid regime on their hands. 

Clearly Haiti could do a lot worse than to follow South Africa’s principled example. Moreover, Martelly was undoubtedly mindful that prosecuting Duvalier for war crimes would probably incite more factional violence in the streets of Haiti: believe it not Baby Doc still has rabid followers who would die for him. And in that event, nobody doubts that self-righteous organizations like Amnesty International would not be able to lift a finger to stop the bloodshed. 

Alas, putting Duvalier on trial for embezzlement of public funds (as the government intends to do) will provide little or no consolation. Especially since he probably has more than enough from the billions he embezzled to settle whatever damages are assessed. 

All the same, my thoughts and prayers go out to all who were affected by the brutal reign of the Duvaliers. Even more, though, I wish the longsuffering people of Haiti an extended period of peace, happiness, and prosperity. I am convinced that foregoing a war-crimes trial will help this wish come true.

February 10, 2012

caribbeannewsnow

Caribbean Blog International

By Keith Noel:

MY FATHER-IN-LAW rarely uttered the word 'Rasta' without prefacing it with the word 'dutty'. He loved my younger daughter dearly and as far as he was concerned, she was the perfect child. He must be revolving in his grave now to see her with locks flowing down her back.

This to me images the marked difference in the perception of Rastafari over the past 30 years. I remember in the 1960s the fear with which people spoke of these cultists. They were sometimes described as 'blackheart' men and spoken of as if they were the spawn of the devil. They were berated and scorned from many a pulpit and many parents suffered paroxysms when their children showed even a mild interest in the movement.

From the very outset, Rastafari had a firm commitment to the struggle for black dignity. What particularly fascinated me was their absolute rejection of the idea of white superiority and even their rejection of any values they considered white. They gave the generation of the '70s the base on which to build a world view that was not a mirror of that of the metropolis.

Brutalise them

Society saw the threat of the Rasta to the status quo and gave licence to their agents in the police force, the teaching profession, and the civil service to brutalise them physically or psychologically. And the rest of 'decent' society stood by in tacit acceptance of this abuse. I remember one day at a football match in the stadium, seeing a policeman search a Rasta for ganja, forcing him to kneel and cutting a couple of his locks in the process. There was no outrage. In fact, at the time, local pop songs had jokes about policemen beating Rastas for speaking their particular dialect!

Then there was the chilling story of Peter Tosh stepping out into the yard of the studio in Half-Way Tree where he was recording what was to be a classic LP. He was smoking a spliff and a policeman saw him and, although he had flicked the spliff away, began to beat him, and as Tosh said "when him lif up de batten to deliver the fatal blow" to his head, he parried it with his forearm, which was badly broken. There was no real outcry and, as far as I know, the policeman did not lose his job.

The aggression was psychological as well. Under the guise of 'proper grooming' any efforts by teenage blacks to adopt hairstyles that shouted their blackness to the world were outlawed in schools. There was tremendous opposition to the 'afro'. A young friend of mine was prevented from going to her exams at Immaculate High unless she agreed to forego her afro. A namesake of mine lost his job at Knox College for being too afrocentric in his teaching, and one reason given for my being fired from my post at Haile Selassie Junior Secondary, where I was acting head of English, was that I had become too obviously sympathetic to the Rasta movement (there is an irony there somewhere).

Black assumption

There seemed to be a reason for this fear. Rastafari, with all its apparent strangeness, delivered a message of black assumption of full personhood and of rejection of the perception of himself as inferior. This would mean a revolution in thinking that would result in the white world relinquishing much of its power over the black man. And who wants to relinquish power?

The Rastaman's message was delivered through his music. Bob Marley, its leading exponent, was a creative genius, but his creativity found its roots in his Rastafarianism. His message is possibly the most important delivered to the world by any entertainer, maybe any man, in the 20th century.

It is a tribute to the steadfastness, the courage, the vision, the clearheadedness and the creativity of these 'ancient Rastas', as Morgan Heritage calls them, that they are now a prominent part of our society. We owe them a great deal. Their vision of Jamaica's and the black man's "emancipation from mental slavery" has not been fully achieved, but we would have been so much further back were it not for them.

Keith Noel is an educator. Send comments to columns@gleanerjm.com.

February 9, 2012

jamaica-gleaner

Caribbean Blog International

We talked for hours. She crossed her legs five times and three quarters, the last one she wasn’t sure she had to. Her pants were pressed neat, creases fading under new folds of a day’s milling about. Her shirt, a clean white, had two letters, R.S., sewn on its right sleeve, as if to remind her which side faces front because it had an oddly symmetrical collar. Her hand gestured for the bill and she was ready to leave. To go home where she clumsily strips down to her underpants as she lights a cigarette. She locks her room and starts writing on her computer. 

Are you there?